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The Noble Lie in Oklahoma City

A Noble Lie: a myth or untruth told by the elite in order to preserve social harmony, and to preserve the position of the elite.   –From Plato’s The Republic

A Noble Lie: Oklahoma City 1995 was released in December of 2011.  It is the first feature-length documentary to examine the OKC bombing in the light of new and suppressed evidence that exposes the official story to be a cruel myth.  I am the co-writer and co-producer for that work, and I think the timeliness of the production and its release is indicative of the timing that has always defined this unsolved case.

The bombing occurred at 9:02 am on April 19th, 1995.  It was two years to the day since the tragic conflagration at the Branch Davidian church outside of Waco, Texas.  On April 19th 1993, the final screams of the men, women, and children trapped inside the church were allowed to die out as the FBI held back the fire trucks.  Months earlier, the Mt. Carmel community outside of Waco, Texas was attacked by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, the ATF.  Four agents and six Davidians were killed in the extravagantly botched raid, and after the FBI laid siege to Mt. Carmel, the people inside were subjected to armed intimidation and psychological assault as their messianic leader, David Koresh, issued his religious challenges in vain.

After an apparent, or mistaken, delay in surrender, the FBI attacked the church once again with armored vehicles, on loan from the U.S. Army at nearby Ft. Hood.  Fitted with large booms with which to puncture the wooden walls of the church, they then pumped gallons of CS tear gas into the building.  They also fired barrages of CS “Ferret” rounds.  The use of chemical agents is forbidden in wartime by the Geneva Convention, and the CS was admittedly laced with flammable kerosene in order to aid dispersal.  The FBI also fired 40mm flash-bang projectiles that had been modified by agents to produce more “bang” for their buck.  This was with children inside.

A lantern was knocked over.  Or, some say, the FBI lit the match.  What is unquestioned is that the American people witnessed live on television the fiery immolation of seventy-six people, twenty of them being children and two pregnant women.

Two years later to the day, downtown Oklahoma City went up like a keg of dynamite.  168 people were killed, nineteen of them children.  Hundreds were wounded.  The Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building was the target of the attack.  Whatever the sins of Waco, they were washed away by the pancaking floors that crushed the Americares daycare center in the building.

The bombing was pinned on a Tim McVeigh, a disgruntled U.S. Army veteran of the first Persian Gulf War who was admittedly incensed over the Waco tragedy.  One convicted accomplice, Terry Nichols, was sentenced to life in prison.  The bombing was blamed on right-wing politics and “paranoia,” and the bloody shirt of Oklahoma City still waves to demonize those who question the increasingly and obviously unconstitutional nature of the Federal government today.

The body of evidence that stands contrary to the official story is immense and glaring, one reason we decided to embark upon a documentary to reclaim the history of the bombing.  In the early days of the bombing, the truth-seeking efforts were being led by Glenn Wilburn, who lost two grandchildren in Americares, and Oklahoma State Representative Charles Key, who founded the Oklahoma Bombing Investigation Committee (OKBIC).

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Glenn Wilburn became increasingly suspicious of the “prior knowledge” of the bombing seemingly possessed by some Federal agencies.  The fact is, the office of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), based in the Murrah building and the supposed target of the attack, was empty at nine o’clock in the morning on a workday.  In A Noble Lie we show the interview conducted by local NBC affiliate KFOR with Bruce Shaw, a witness who describes ATF agents telling him on the scene that they had been “tipped off by their pagers to not come into work that morning.”  We also feature the affidavits of first responders who confirm that ATF agents were telling people that they had been paged to skip work that day.

Glenn Wilburn had rights to ask why the ATF was spared from death, while his grandchildren were not.  ATF Agent Luke Franey later came to a meeting at Glenn’s house sporting a bandage on his hand, explaining his heroic injury and the falsity of these claims.

In A Noble Lie we show for the first time footage shot by the Oklahoma County Sheriff’s office, footage that shows Luke Franey outside the Murrah building in the minutes after the bombing, uninjured, not covered with sheetrock dust, grinning and shaking hands with someone.  Another ATF agent claimed he was in an elevator at the time of the bombing, a contention we refute with the interview of the elevator mechanic manager on the scene, who describes how his crews pried open every elevator and verified that no one had been in the elevators at the time of the attack.  He also testified to this fact in front of a grand jury.

Representative Charles Key, in collaboration with Glenn Wilburn, founded the OKBIC to compile evidence contrary to the official narrative.  This evidence was presented to the Oklahoma County District Attorney (a vocal opponent of the formation of a grand jury), who siphoned it through the filter of the official story, with a predictable and bitterly disappointing result.  Glenn Wilburn passed away from pancreatic cancer the day the grand jury impaneled.  A few years later a limited and underfunded Congressional investigation fizzled out but still managed to offer a paltry indictment of the official story.

The anomalous evidence gathered by the OKBIC, journalists, and researchers pushes the unofficial story in two seemingly different directions.  The two competing theories can be reconciled, and herein I will explain why.

The first theory to be explained is the “sting gone bad.”  This is the contention that a Federal law enforcement undercover operation involving McVeigh, the Ryder truck, and “others unknown” somehow fell apart at the last minute or was sabotaged by the wily targets of the sting. The cover-up is in effect in order to preserve the careers of those who involved in the fantastic foul up, and the political agendas of those in power.

The second theory is the “government did it.”  That is, the Federal government purposefully executed the bombing in order to divert criticism of Federal law enforcement abuses, destroy evidence from Waco and Iran-Contra, crack down on citizen militias, pass new anti-terrorism legislation, usher in a new Police State, and/ or to demonize dissent against breaches of the Constitution.

The “sting gone bad” theory is supported by a body of evidence, as is the “government did it” theory.  And despite the short-sighted efforts to separate the hypotheses and pit one against another, they are not mutually exclusive and in fact support each other.

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The “sting gone bad” theory is backed up an interview we conducted in A Noble Lie with Rep. Charles Key.  He relates his experience in being told by a U.S. Senate staffer that the Oklahoma delegation to Congress had been briefed by the Department of Justice that the bombing was the result of an undercover operation gone awry, and that the cover-up was enacted to hide this bungling.

This explains the prior knowledge exhibited by certain agencies, certainly to include the ATF.  But it becomes problematic when you consider the fact that the exterior truck bomb was not the sole cause of destruction to the Murrah building.  Fourteen witnesses (A Noble Lie features three of them) have gone on the record to state that the Murrah building was shaking and coming apart up to ten seconds before the truck bomb went off outside.  Three seismographs in Oklahoma recorded “two energetic events” approximately ten seconds apart.

We interviewed retired Air Force General Benton K. Partin, whose ground-breaking report to Congress totally refuted the evolving official story that insisted that a Ryder truck packed with diesel fuel and fertilizer parked on the street was able to demolish a more than a third of a nine-story, steel-reinforced concrete building.  He concluded that at least four charges were placed inside the building at certain key supporting members, leading to the devastating collapse of most of the frontal support columns and the complete failure on the east side of the building.  This failure on the east side of the building is itself problematic, as this damage is drastically offset from the crater left in the street.

The Wright Armament Laboratory at Eglin Air Force Base conducted a simulation of the OKC bombing, based on Gen. Partin’s input, utilizing exterior and interior bombs on a test structure.  The engineers at Eglin AFB also refute the official hypothesis: “It must be concluded that the damage at the Murrah Federal Building is not the result of the truck bomb itself, but rather due to other factors such as locally placed charges within the building itself…. The procedures used to cause the damage to the Murrah Building are therefore more involved and complex than simply parking a truck and leaving….”

The bulk of the evidence damns the official explanation for the damage to the Murrah building as a lie.  The Office of the Inspector General’s report on the FBI crime lab procedures used to come to that hypothesis is the final nail in the coffin of the fertilizer truck bomb theory.

So how does one reconcile the evidence for interior explosives with the theory that the bombing was the tragic result of a legitimate operation run drastically amok?  In coming to understand the synthesis of the two bodies of evidence one comes to understand the nature of covert false-flag attacks, their signatures from the past, and the implications for tomorrow.

In A Noble Lie we interview survivor Jane Graham, an unimpeachable witness and vice-president of the federal employees’ union who had testified before Congress on labor issues.  A few days before the bombing, she witnessed a three-man crew in the basement parking garage of the Murrah building.  Laid out on the hood of their vehicle were plans for the building.  In their hands were “grey putty” and wires.   Only afterthought understands that this was most likely plastic explosive and detonating cord or initiation wire.  I have deposed a first responder who disclosed that ATF agents on the scene were openly discussing the finding of plastic explosive residue on the interior columns. Two of the men Graham described as “military” types, the third (who was following orders) she was able to identify from a photo line-up as Andreas Strassmeier.

Strassmeier is a former West German army intelligence officer who ensconced himself within the neo-Nazi movement in the early nineties by claiming to be a genuine Aryan fascist.  Tim McVeigh placed several phone calls to Strassmeier and witnesses place the two together, despite the denials of Strassmeier and the FBI.  Strassmeier was reported by ATF informant Carol Howe to make threats and plans for “assassinating public officials… and bombing federal buldings.”  Strassmeier also lived with other suspected accomplices to McVeigh.

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And according the government’s own documents, Andy Strassmeier was in all likelihood working as an informant, both for the FBI and the Southern Poverty Law Center.  An informant close to McVeigh, witnessed with bombing materiel in the basement of the Murrah building, indicates that the sting operation was the method of destruction.

Strassmeier admitted as much himself in an interview with author Ambrose Evans-Pritchard: “What happens if it was a sting operation from the very beginning? What happens if it comes out that the plant was a provocateur…what if he talked and manipulated the others into it …the relatives of the victims are going to go crazy. He’s going to be held responsible for the murder of 168 people… of course the informant can’t come forward. He’s scared … right now.

That is the method of execution.  As existing sting operation is hijacked from above and infiltrated from below.  All it takes is a few key players, a few components, for a fake bomb to be a real bomb, and for a truck to be switched.

Most of the Federal agents on the scene were expecting the bombing of an empty building, a fantastic publicity stunt that would demonstrate the growing threat of right-wing militias, and of course add to the power and unaccountability of the agencies tasked to deal with such threats.  They got all of that, and 168 dead people to boot.

And that is the method of the cover up.  It’s not that every ATF and FBI street agent on the case is covering up the fact that a criminal faction utilizing the reins of power executed the bombing.  They are covering up what they are told is a catastrophic series of mistakes.  It was their informants, it was their truck, and it was their explosives.  They are protecting themselves, their careers, and their respective bureaucracies.  The ones on high who planned it from the beginning hardly need to cover up anything.  Their underlings are burying everything as fast as they can, for their own reasons.

So, the existing undercover operation is the method of execution.  It enables the placement of assets to carry out the false-flag attack and ensures its cover up by the people involved.

There is a third contender for the answer to OKC, that being Saddam Hussein and/or Osama bin Laden did it.  I will cover that body of evidence in a later article.

The methodology of these operations has been seen at work before.  The day of 9/11 was plagued by dozens of military exercises, some of them “simulating” what was actually playing out in reality.  The London Underground bombings were being played out in an “exercise” the morning of 7/7 when BBC interviewed Peter Power, “We [Visor Consultants] were actually running an exercise for a company of over a thousand people in London based on simultaneous bombs going off precisely at the railway stations where it happened this morning…  and it was about half past nine this morning, we planned this for a company and for obvious reasons I don’t want to reveal their name but they’re listening and they’ll know it.”

And even more closely related to OKC, the FBI had allowed informant Emad Salem to provide real explosives to the jihadist group (trained by another informant) that bombed the World Trade Center the first time in 1993, with a rented Ryder ammonium truck bomb.  That script is very similar to what happened in Oklahoma two years later and very similar to a script that the ATF had been plying on targets in the months leading up to the OKC bombing.

Fast forward to the present time, and we see the string of FBI sting operations that have been punctuating the War on Terror.  These operations have a common theme.  A young, disaffected youth of Arabic (or at least foreign) extraction is approached by an FBI asset after making some vague statements of solidarity on a radical website.  The target is talked into committing jihad by the FBI, is given fake explosives, and arrested with headlines and applause.  Such things keep the War on Terror humming along, but are also vulnerable to the same false-flag methodology employed before.  Substitute a real bomb, kill some people (or a lot), and the whole FBI will throw its weight behind the cover-up.  It was their bomb, their informant, and their operation.  The few psychopaths who ordered and executed the real intention only need exercise their own discretion as the bureaucracies of Federaldom join forces to preserve the mother hive from criticism.

And that is why the timeliness of the release of A Noble Lie is so important.  Given that the methodology of easily compromised sting operations is stronger than as ever and that the political establishment of this day would benefit from another false-flag attack, it is likely that the next one will utilize a proven standard operating procedure.

The question is, will the American people see the next attack for what it truly is and comply with it or refuse whatever horrific agenda or slate of innocent lives that is the price of ignorance?

Holland Vandennieuwenhof is a researcher and writer based in Oklahoma City.  He considers the bombing to be an open case.

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